I鈥檓 a scholar of the culture wars in the US. I used to believe that universities could provide a kind of solvent for these conflicts, by clarifying different positions and suggesting compromises between them.
I don鈥檛 believe that anymore. Universities have embraced the same polarised, winner-take-all spirit as the rest of American politics. And that鈥檚 very bad news for anyone who cares about the future of the American academy.
Witness recent events at Princeton University, where president Christopher Eisgruber recommended that the board of trustees dismiss classics professor Joshua聽Katz.聽In lockstep fashion, faculty divided quickly into Team Eisgruber 鈥 by far the bigger group 鈥 and Team Katz. And neither squad acknowledged the validity or even the humanity of the other one.聽
The university fired Katz on Monday, citing his聽behaviour during a sexual relationship with an undergraduate student 15 years ago.聽Princeton officials already knew about that affair and had punished Katz by suspending him without pay for a year.聽But they said that the student had come forth with new information, including claims that Katz had discouraged her from seeking mental health treatment 鈥 for fear that she would disclose their affair 鈥 and that he pressured her not to cooperate with an earlier聽investigation.
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To Katz鈥 defenders, all of that was window dressing to disguise the real reason he was sacked: his remarks on race.聽In 2020, a few weeks after the police murder of George Floyd, Katz published an blasting an about racism at Princeton. Signed by more than 300 faculty, staff members and students, the letter called on the university to dismantle 鈥渟ystemic racism鈥, 鈥渋ncentivize anti-racist student activism鈥 and apologise to members of a student group known as the for repeatedly rebuffing their demand to remove President Woodrow Wilson鈥檚 name from the university鈥檚 School of Public and International Affairs (three years ago, Princeton agreed to remove Wilson鈥檚 name).
Katz鈥檚 essay endorsed parts of the open letter, including its support for summer move-in allowances for new assistant professors. But he rejected its demand that junior faculty of colour receive an additional semester of sabbatical. He also charged that the Black Justice League had bullied dissenting students 鈥 including African Americans聽 鈥 in a 鈥溾, which Katz called 鈥渙ne of the most evil things I have ever witnessed鈥.
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Most controversially, he聽described the group as 鈥渁 small local terrorist organization鈥. When that quote went viral, Katz became a campus pariah. Colleagues in the classics department calling Katz鈥 choice of words 鈥渁bhorrent at this moment of national reckoning.鈥 Eisgruber denounced Katz鈥檚 鈥溾 of the Black Justice League. And the university featured Katz in a of racist Princetonians presented at the university鈥檚 last August.聽
The presentation did not mention the handful of professors and students who have defended Katz. Instead, in bold font, it quoted two African American faculty critics. One said that Katz had engaged in 鈥渞ace-baiting, disguised as free speech鈥; the other said Katz 鈥渟eems to not regard people like me as essential features, or persons, of Princeton鈥.
So far as I know, Katz did not receive a chance to respond to these highly derogatory charges. And I haven鈥檛 heard of any other university denouncing a standing faculty member in such a public venue. Absurdly, Eisgruber defended the comments about Katz as 鈥渢eaching material鈥 for the incoming students. But if the university was truly interested in teaching about this controversy, it would have presented supporters of Katz alongside critics of him. Anything less isn鈥檛 teaching; it鈥檚 indoctrination.
Surely there are many faculty, at Princeton and elsewhere, who believe that flaying Katz at the first-year orientation was wrong, but they鈥檙e mostly biting their tongues because saying so would seem to place them in Katz鈥 corner. Why aid and abet the other team?
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Likewise, Katz鈥 defenders have generally refrained from condemning his newly reported misbehaviour towards his ex-lover. Princeton clearly had a duty to investigate her聽claims, which she detailed in a formal complaint. And if Katz indeed told her not to cooperate with the investigation 鈥 or not to seek mental health treatment 鈥 of course he should be held accountable for that. But you won鈥檛 hear that from the people on Katz鈥 side. If they mention the new allegations at all, it is simply to dismiss the charges as a mean-spirited retaliation against an outspoken colleague.
It鈥檚 all or nothing, kill or be killed, my way or the highway, heads I win and tails you lose. In other words, it鈥檚 a war.
We frequently cite Princeton dropout F. Scott Fitzgerald鈥檚 observation that the mark of intelligence is holding 鈥渢wo opposing ideas in mind at the same time鈥. If we truly believed that, we could denounce both the university鈥檚 mistreatment of Katz and also his alleged mistreatment of his student. But our faith in that principle is hugely frayed, not just outside universities but within them. Indeed, there鈥檚 not much of a difference between the two any longer. And that just makes me incredibly sad.
Jonathan Zimmerman is Judy and Howard Berkowitz professor in education and professor of the history of education at the University of Pennsylvania. He is the author of Whose America? Culture Wars in the Public Schools, which will be published in a revised 20th-anniversary edition by the University of Chicago Press this autumn.
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