Washington 鈥 Gerry Stoker shared 鈥渁 wicked thought鈥 he had when planning a session held on Saturday at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association. What if he called as many senior figures in political science as he could reach and asked them 鈥渋f they had ever said anything relevant in their entire careers鈥?
Stoker, professor of politics and governance at Britain鈥檚 University of Southampton, didn鈥檛 embarrass his discipline鈥檚 luminaries by asking them one by one for any examples of relevance. (The laughter in the room, however, suggested that some might not have fared well if asked.)
But the panel he put together on the field鈥檚 relevance was one of several that explored the topic, revealing uncertainty among political scientists about their mission. Should they worry about whether their work is used or even considered by those who make policy? Would aiming for relevance result in ideas being dumbed down or in a long-overdue shift in focus? Does a lack of relevance hurt the discipline when administrators are thinking about budget priorities?
Debates about whether political science is controlled by the wrong scholarly factions are of course nothing new to the field. The 鈥減erestroika鈥 movement in the field 鈥 set off by an anonymous email in 2000 鈥 called for more methodological pluralism, and less dominance by quantitative scholars. One critique of the quantitative approach concerned its relevance to the real world, but the criticisms offered at the APSA annual meeting this weekend suggested concerns about relevance in political science work of a variety of methodologies.
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Stoker said it was important for the discipline to grapple with the criticism that it has become irrelevant, but he also said that there were 鈥渢ricky issues鈥 that made it difficult for scholars to become more relevant without sacrificing key values.
鈥淭ruth and evidence and reasoning are not in the forefront of political decision-making,鈥 he said, and yet political scientists revere those things. In the political sphere, 鈥渨e are competing with ideology, pragmatism, interests,鈥 he said. Further, the policy world operates in 鈥渁 very time-specific鈥 way with 鈥渁 window of opportunity鈥 in which to influence key people. The traditional time frames for scholarly publishing, he said, simply don鈥檛 work when it comes to policy. Many scholars produce great work 鈥渢wo years late鈥, he said.
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And Stoker also said that the discipline doesn鈥檛 reward relevance. A young scholar is more likely to be promoted for 鈥渢he novelty of methodological contribution鈥 than for 鈥渞esearch that actually has an impact鈥.
Sven Steinmo, a political scientist at the University of Colorado at Boulder, currently on leave and teaching at the European University Institute, said that he sees the discipline conflicted over relevance. Holding up the thick conference programme, Steinmo said he found many relevant sessions but also many whose titles suggested that they would be 鈥渢remendously boring and irrelevant鈥. The relevance discussion, he said, may be positive, but shouldn鈥檛 be limiting. He said that 鈥淚 shouldn鈥檛 be the one to decide鈥 which research is relevant.
Steinmo said he thinks that political scientists have a bit of 鈥減hysics envy鈥, in which they would like to be able to come up with theories that could predict the state of the world. Likewise, he said that they have 鈥渆conomics envy鈥, in which they wish that powerful people would call them up and ask for advice. But there is a reason that they don鈥檛 call, he said. 鈥淭hey don鈥檛 want to hear, 鈥業t kind of depends鈥 and, 鈥業t depends on the context鈥,鈥 Steinmo said. 鈥淚 do want policymakers to ask us what to do,鈥 he said, but 鈥渋t鈥檚 an honest dilemma鈥 whether political scientists should change their style enough so that their phones start to ring.
One of the most biting critiques came from Bo Rothstein, the August R枚hss professor of political science at the University of Gothenburg, in Sweden. Rothstein, who noted that this was his 20th APSA meeting and who has held visiting professorships at several leading universities in the United States, said that maybe the problem to discuss isn鈥檛 whether political science is relevant, but whether American political science is relevant.
鈥淚f you want to be relevant as a discipline,鈥 he said, 鈥測ou have to recruit people who want to be relevant.鈥 And in this respect, he said, American political science departments are not doing well. He described his experiences teaching at Harvard University, where he was tremendously impressed with the 20 seniors in his seminar on comparative politics. One day he asked how many were planning to go to graduate school in political science and was 鈥渟tunned鈥 to find out that the students 鈥 many of them idealistic about changing the world 鈥 had to a person ruled that out in favour of law school. Their view was that 鈥渢o be relevant, you have to have a law degree鈥.
In Sweden, Rothstein said, this would be viewed as a terrible thing. 鈥淣o such persons鈥 like those Harvard seniors he taught 鈥渨ould dream of going to law school鈥, which they would see as 鈥渂oring and technical鈥. But while American universities tell those who want to change the world to go to law school, they attract other kinds of students to grad school. 鈥淚 was not at all impressed by the graduate students鈥 at Harvard, he said. 鈥淭hey wanted to stay away from anything relevant.鈥
Political scientists are too focused on developing theories about government, ignoring the huge impact 鈥 a life-and-death impact, he noted 鈥 that government has. Tens of thousands of people die each year because they can鈥檛 get safe water or healthcare from corrupt governments, but political scientists prefer to theorise about the governments rather than thinking about how to change them with the goal of getting them to provide their people with water and healthcare.
As an example, Rothstein cited a session he attended on "" in Africa, a form of corruption that is widespread and damaging. Rothstein said he asked the presenters about comparisons to countries that have moved past clientelism, and that they had no answers. 鈥淭he discipline is organised鈥 such that African area studies scholars will simply compare various forms of the practice and 鈥渘ever ask how you can get out of clientelism鈥, since that would require looking outside their region and focusing on solutions, he said.
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鈥淭he discipline is organised to avoid interesting comparisons of issues,鈥 rather than 鈥渙n actual people鈥. If a dominant factor in thinking about clientelism was wanting to get rid of it, research projects wouldn鈥檛 just compare the strategies by which clientelism-dominated countries function, he said.
Elinor Ostrom agreed that the key was to focus on real problems and real solutions that could help people. Ostrom, the Arthur F. Bentley professor of political science at Indiana University and the founding director of the Center for the Study of Institutional Diversity at Arizona State University, said that early in her career, political scientists 鈥渢hought I was a dope鈥 because she focused her research on such questions as asking people around the world how they got, or why they failed to get, water or food.
Clearly Ostrom is no dope 鈥 last year for 鈥渄emonstrating how local property can be successfully managed by local commons without any regulation by central authorities or privatisation鈥. In her remarks here, she stressed that her research never ignored political institutions and that she doesn鈥檛 want the discipline to do so now. But she said that political scientists shouldn鈥檛 study political institutions in isolation, but should think about 鈥渢he study of institutions as they affect humans鈥.
She added that the problem for the discipline was that 鈥渨e have focused more on politicians and not on people鈥.
A plan for 鈥榩olitical science in the 21st century'
Relevance was also discussed in several other sessions, including one on the . The panel has been examining how the discipline should change, in teaching, research and career paths, in light of the changing demographics of American society. While the committee did not release a report here (a draft is being refined), a session featured three past presidents of the APSA who were asked to critique the draft and suggest ways it might be improved. In different ways, all three argued that the panel needed to be bolder in urging change for the discipline.
Lucius J. Barker, the William Bennett Munro professor emeritus of political science at Stanford University, urged the committee to be more explicit in its report about the priority needed for study of issues of race and ethnicity 鈥 and for publishing the results 鈥渋n language that policymakers and the public can understand鈥. He urged political scientists to study how race has affected the Obama presidency in ways that go far beyond legitimate differences of opinion with his views, and questioned why more political scientists aren鈥檛 talking about the 鈥渕orally outrageous鈥 way Barack Obama is being attacked.
Theda Skocpol, the Victor S. Thomas professor of government and sociology at Harvard, said that part of making political science 鈥渁ttractive to a full range of undergraduates鈥 is in fact to think about relevance. She said that the discipline 鈥渘eeds to be engaged in the most exciting real world issues鈥 and must show that 鈥渨e are doing something other than navel gazing and talking to ourselves.鈥
She suggested that political scientists need to start applying the 鈥渆xplain it to your aunt at Thanksgiving鈥 test and start doing more research whose significance they could communicate to a non-political scientist at a family gathering. Too many scholars, she said, fail that test.
Robert Putnam, the Peter and Isabel Malkin professor of public policy at Harvard, agreed. He said that the 鈥渕ost important鈥 reform for the discipline is to focus 鈥渙n things that the rest of the citizens of our country are concerned about鈥 and on research that relates to issues that 鈥渙rdinary Americans think are important鈥.
Along those lines, he urged the panel writing the report to focus on issues of class as well as race and ethnicity. Political scientists, he said, have 鈥渂ecome too comfortable in discussions of race and gender鈥 (without solving issues related to race and gender), but 鈥渉aven鈥檛 done nearly enough鈥 research on issues related to class.
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Trying to explain relevance may not be easy, Putnam warned, because so many scholarly traditions reject such an emphasis. He said he recently submitted a journal article in which he tried to apply the 鈥渆xplain it to your aunt鈥 idea 鈥 and included sentences in various points of the article to do just that. He said that when he got back the edits on the piece, every single one of those sentences had been removed by the journal鈥檚 editors.
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