An Australian university鈥檚 policy institute, which has been deserted by research affiliates over perceptions of political interference, faces being supplanted by 鈥渁聽new high-profile body鈥 without university ties.
The threats circling the University of Melbourne鈥檚 Australia India Institute (AII) exemplify the difficulties facing thinktank-style centres in universities 鈥 particularly if their researchers鈥 objectives conflict with those of their funders.
In March, Australian foreign affairs minister Marise Payne committed A$8聽million (拢4.5聽million) towards a new Centre for Australia-India Relations that will function as 鈥渁 centre of gravity for the bilateral relationship鈥. Its mandate includes 鈥減romoting policy dialogue鈥, 鈥渄eepening cultural connections鈥 and 鈥渆ngaging Australia鈥檚 Indian diaspora communities鈥 to support the relationship.
The centre will also receive more than A$20聽million to administer 鈥渇riendship鈥 initiatives including scholarship and fellowship programmes. It appears to duplicate much of the work of the AII, which was established with an A$8聽million federal grant in 2009 to 鈥渟trengthen bilateral relations鈥 amid a furore over violence against Indian students in Melbourne.
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Ms Payne said that the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT) would 鈥渃onsult broadly鈥 over the new centre, which is expected to open in early 2023. DFAT and the AII both declined to say whether the institute would be involved in the consultations.
DFAT also declined to say whether the Melbourne institute would continue to receive federal funding, although a spokeswoman said that the new centre would 鈥渃omplement the work of existing India-focused institutions in Australia鈥.
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The developments coincide with Canberra鈥檚 efforts to strengthen ties with India as an alternative to China, which is Australia鈥檚 major trading partner but increasingly perceived as a security threat. Australia recently updated its聽 and signed a聽. 鈥淭he Australia-India relationship is at a high point,鈥 according to a DFAT .
Such reflections differ from the preoccupations of more than a dozen AII research affiliates who quit the institute in late March over claims that it was downplaying their efforts to highlight issues such as Hindu nationalist violence, India鈥檚 oppression of minority groups and the muzzling, incarceration and even assassination of activists, journalists and academics, including a聽.
China-Australia relations expert John Fitzgerald said it was unlikely that the government had decided to bankroll a new India centre because it was irritated with the human rights focus of researchers affiliated with the AII. Rather, Canberra had probably decided that the thinktank model offered 鈥渂etter bang for buck鈥, producing more timely and relevant reporting and research.
鈥淚f that鈥檚 the case, I鈥檓 guessing that Melbourne will try to restructure its institute like a thinktank, which would irritate a lot of people," Professor Fitzgerald said. 鈥淭he question arises: do thinktanks belong on university campuses or as part of a university administration? University researchers need the freedom to go wherever the inquiry takes them. Thinktanks work to a mission, and that mission is not academic freedom.鈥
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Professor Fitzgerald, the former head of the Asia-Pacific philanthropy studies programme at Swinburne University of Technology, said thinktanks, as much smaller organisations, also had the advantage of nimbleness. 鈥淭hinktanks tend to be able to focus more quickly, spot where the financial benefits lie and to go for them. It takes universities far longer to do that 鈥 and when they do, far longer to process it.鈥
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